Britain was experiencing an economic downturn as the country was financially drained having expended enormous sums of money to support the war against Napoleon. Employment opportunities were limited and unless these unfortunate officers had a private income or were supported financially by their family, they found themselves in dire circumstances. To quote one officer from the Duke of Wellington’s Rifle Brigade, Captain John Kincaid, who wrote his memoirs stating, ‘We had been born in war, reared in war, war was our trade.’ Put quite simply, Captain Joseph Wakefield was considered ‘one of Wellington’s boys.’  

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I am referring to the illustrious Duke of Wellington who was head of the campaign to rid Europe of Napoleon Bonaparte, the Corsican upstart, in the years from 1803 to 1815. Wakefield served faithfully under the Duke of Wellington and therefore can be recognised as an integral part of the long-drawn-out Napoleonic Wars.

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By the time of the early 1820’s, the British Empire was aspiring to expand its territories and even more so in the newly acquired continent of Australia in 1788. Fortuitously many of these ‘half-pay’ officers were recalled being offered lucrative incentives to return to active duty in the British Army. To be back in uniform meant increase in pay and the chance to better oneself in the eyes of the rigidly stiff-upper-lip British Army. This was a concerted effort by the British Government of the time to make its claim on the world stage. Australia was a young country but still very much under the yoke of the mother country, Britain. The British Empire was rapidly growing, and Australia was ripe for the picking!

Then came an event in Captain Wakefield’s life that would alter his life forever. He was given the opportunity to sail to the colony of New South Wales. Wakefield was delighted and seized the offer to be back in service. The British Army in late 1825 required four companies of the 39th (Dorsetshire) Regiment of Foot to sail to the colony of New South Wales as escorts for convicts. The colonisation of the new outpost of Australia was considered paramount to the British parliament.

Ironically, Captain Wakefield was the first officer to head a detachment of the 39th Regiment in the capacity of guard on the ship Woodman, a convict ship fitted out for the sole purpose of transporting convicts. Conditions aboard the vessel for the convicts were totally inadequate and deplorable. Some convicts died on the journey from dysentery, scurvy, and other illnesses. The Woodman was the first of twenty-nine ships that carried convicts, soldiers of the 39th Regiment (and other regiments), settlers, and visitors to Australia, over a four-year period.

Captain Wakefield was accompanied on the Woodman by Ensign (later Captain) John Long Innes, Sergeant John Hale (later to become Quartermaster), twenty rank and file officers. They set sail from Sheerness on 6th December 1825 with 146 male convicts and arriving in Hobart on 29th April 1826, then sailing onto Sydney, arriving 7th June 1826.

It was during this period once in Sydney, that Captain Wakefield was deployed to sail with Major Edmund Lockyer (21st January 1784 – 10th June 1860) to begin the task of commencing a penal outpost at King George’s Sound, as it was then referred to. Major Lockyer summonsed Captain Wakefield and they conferred regarding their implicit instructions and the journey to the far side of the Australian continent. Governor Ralph Darling (1772 – 2nd April 1858) had firmly ordered Lockyer, with the task of establishing, without delay, a penal outpost on the west coast of Australia.

The duty allotted to Major Lockyer relied heavily upon the support of those who would accompany him. The British, assuming that the French were taking too much interest on the west coast of Australia, hastily formulated plans to instigate a permanent presence. So it was that on the 9th of November 1826, the small vessel, known as the brig Amity, sailed from Sydney Cove. The brig Amity was a small ship even for the standards of the day, measuring 23 metres long, 6.8 metres wide and a depth of 3.5 metres. Space would have been extremely limited and below decks the environment was nothing short of appalling.

There was a mix of English, Scottish and Irish nationalities on board, all falling under the banner of King George III’s British Empire. Accompanying Major Lockyer was Captain Joseph Wakefield (second in command), Lieutenant Colson Festing RN (12th September 1795 – 12th October 1870) from HMS Fly and Captain Thomas Hansen, (1762 – 1837) who captained the Amity. In total there were a detachment of twenty officers of the 39th Regiment. This included Captain Wakefield who was sailing with Sergeant John Hale, Corporals John Shore, and John Smith and sixteen privates, in addition there were twenty-three convicts and three wives and four children of officers. I will mention that records differ as to the number of wives and children aboard the Amity.

The journey was afflicted with treacherous unseasonal weather that almost took the brig Amity to a violent end. Following appalling conditions and unscheduled stops at George Town, on the north coast of Tasmania, and Hobart, the intrepid crew brought the vessel safely into King George Sound on Christmas Day 25th December 1826. Lieutenant Colson Festing RN, along with Captain Thomas Hansen, are to be highly commended for their roles in guiding the Colonial Brig Amity without major mishap, into the confines of King George Sound and Princess Royal Harbour.

The crew laid anchor at approximately 5.30p.m. about one mile off the northern shoreline at a place called Point Frederick, later renamed Residency Point. This is near to the bottom end of Parade Street in Albany, the oldest street in Western Australia. The landing party from the Amity came ashore at 4a.m. the next morning, consisting foremost of Major Lockyer and Lt Colson Festing and a few crew. According to one historical account, two Aborigines and a small lad met them, displaying a friendly disposition.

Lockyer and Wakefield were mindful of another situation that required their urgent attention. It was whilst sailing past Bald Head the previous afternoon, that those aboard the brig Amity noticed smoke emanating from Michaelmas Island. Was it a distress plea for help? Both Major Lockyer and Captain Wakefield wished to investigate as soon as a site was located for the penal outpost. A suitable location was quickly settled upon, having been a recommendation of Captain Matthew Flinders when he visited King George Sound in 1801/2 period.

Flinder’s detailed notes provided ample evidence that Lockyer’s choice was based on these writings. A reliable water supply was crucial to the outpost’s survival. This site provided an abundance of water and was flat, allowing the commencement of a vegetable garden. It was not long later that Captain Wakefield, along with a few soldiers, rowed out to Michaelmas Island and rescued four Aboriginal men. These men had been kidnapped and taken against their will to Michaelmas Island by the sealers, who made regular visits to the area.

The Southern Ocean provided a profitable income for whalers and sealers from America and as far away as Sweden and Norway. Their behaviour was nothing short of unforgiveable, using the local Noongar women for their sexual pleasure. There is a more detailed account of the events surrounding the establishment of the penal outpost at King George Sound contained in the article on Major Edmund Lockyer, also published on the Albany Historical Society (Inc) website.

Once Major Lockyer sailed from King George Sound on 3rd of April 1827, his role and duty as the first Commandant had been completed, and successfully too. Given the circumstances involving the remote distance from Sydney, lack of continual supplies to the outpost, disgruntled convicts, and lack of fresh food, Major Lockyer had strived to perform in a difficult environment.

The task to continue the viability of the penal outpost now fell upon Captain Joseph Wakefield. Wakefield must be commended for his constant focus to improve conditions for those at the penal outpost. He recognised the importance of having a working relationship, not only with his Regiment, but also acknowledged the local inhabitants and the convicts under his control. Wakefield could not afford an insurrection from the convicts nor his own soldiers, let alone an uprising from the King Ya-nup people of the immediate locality. The term, King Ya-nup, refers to the people of King George Sound and even more specifically of those dwelling in the vicinity of Princess Royal Harbour. The word was first recorded by Thomas Braidwood Wilson, the surgeon and explorer, in December 1829. He wrote, ‘King Ya-nup - the name the natives give the Sound.’

Wakefield’s group became known as ‘the Redcoat Settlers’ and the uniform of the 39th (Dorsetshire) Regiment of Foot was much admired by the Indigenous people. There is a drawing of King George Sound dated to 1834 by Ensign Robert Dale (November 1810 – 20th July 1853) of the 63rd Regiment of Foot, depicting a scene of the area. This detailed drawing has become known as ‘The Panorama of the Sound.’ In this drawing is an Aboriginal wearing a ‘redcoat’ uniform, attributed as being Nakina/Nakinah, who was considered the elder of the local Aboriginal tribe. Nakina/Nakinah is shown in the foreground attired in a military uniform and holding a woomera and spear. Ensign Robert Dale was assigned to the garrison outpost at Albany in 1832. He was a prolific painter of various landscapes which provides history with a snapshot of what King George’s Sound, Albany was really like.

Wakefield inherited an outpost that to the layman’s eye appeared to be effective. However this was not the reality because behind the façade loomed major problems. The structures that had been erected were only temporary dwellings on closer inspection. Their appearance may have given a visitor the idea that the makeshift dwellings were secure, but they were mostly unstable and in constant need of repair. The huts leaked regularly when it rained and were rather insecure in strong wind.

Between the 12th of January and the date of Major Lockyer’s sailing for Sydney on 3rd April 1827, little progress, if any had occurred at the campsite.
It seemed as though there was nothing significant completed and the penal outpost had come to a standstill. Admittedly, Major Lockyer was desirous of exploring inland, in accordance with his strict directives from Governor Darling. This failed in February 1827, and Lockyer did not attempt any further major journeys to explore the hinterland. Lockyer did make various journeys to the islands to see what possibilities may be fruitful for the penal outpost.

 

The first death in the camp occurred on 8th March 1827, prior to Major Lockyer’s departure. The victim was a soldier, Private Banks, who had already exhibited signs of ill health prior to leaving Sydney. Bank’s health began to decline rapidly following the establishment of the campsite.
Wakefield was aware that dysentery and scurvy existed amongst the outpost; yet he wisely recognised that there was far more involved with the health of the soldiers and convicts.

The poor conditions of the camp site had contributed to the present state of well-being throughout the entire camp. The Colonial Surgeon, Doctor Isaac Scott Nind (1797 – 1868) had laboured constantly to assist those of the penal outpost who were afflicted with illness. Prescribing lime and fresh vegetables to ward off scurvy had not cured some of the ailments abounding amongst the settlement. The campsite was relatively marshy, and damp and Wakefield suspected this was the cause of the problem. Wakefield promptly had the area cleared and drained. Once this was completed, Wakefield began an audacious plan to upgrade the existing huts to permanent structures that were dry and secure. Making a coloured drawing of the proposed penal outpost campsite, Wakefield worked solidly at improving the buildings.

In a report back to Governor Darling in Sydney, penned by Captain Wakefield on 27th May 1827, he wrote the following words: “The stores first erected were so exceedingly temporary that they were unfit to be occupied.” Wakefield went on to state that he was focusing his efforts on replacing both store huts and erecting a new Barrack building 45 x 22 feet. This Barrack was to be constructed with a six-foot mud wall, a bonded floor and sufficient space for sleeping. In addition there were to be glass windows albeit two open windows, without glass, which were to provide a regular flow of air.

At that time, air circulation was considered vitally important for health reasons, hence two glassless windows were to be installed. There was to be a fireplace fitted, possibly made from the bricks that had been taken on board at Hobart by the brig Amity. Wakefield further elaborated by saying that he wished the Barrack to resemble the one in Sydney. In addition, Wakefield had plans for a tool-shed measuring 28 x 18 feet, a Storekeepers house and had ideas to vastly improve the Commandant’s house.

According to a man named Gilbert, who was perhaps a clerk or a writer, wrote about Wakefield’s intentions to upgrade the camp site buildings.
Gilbert was obviously one of the complement aboard the HMS Success. Sailing back to Sydney with Major Lockyer and Captain Stirling in April 1827, Gilbert wrote about the dire situation of the penal settlement in his diary. Gilbert remarked that Lockyer’s living quarters were nothing short of dismal and draughty and in need of desperate repair. This eye witness account verifies the rundown state of the penal settlement and mentions Wakefield’s desire to make much needed improvements.

By 10th of July 1827, Wakefield in another despatch to Sydney, sets out a comprehensive plan to erect new buildings thatched with rushes. This included accommodation for married soldiers, a store, and engineers store and the large barracks. Wakefield was inspired, as the new Commandant, to overseer the settlement with a determined aim to advance the outpost. Having been there from its commencement, Wakefield had experienced the disappointments and periods of success. Now this was his opportunity to leave his mark on the penal outpost at King George’s Sound. It was an ambitious project however we must admire the man for attempting to increase the living standards in such an isolated settlement.

I pause momentarily to point out that whilst Major Lockyer had made a thorough and as accurate as possible account of the King George Sound settlement in his diary, Captain Wakefield did not keep such meticulous records. Lockyer had been requested categorically to keep thorough records by Governor Darling. Lockyer had impressed this instruction upon Wakefield however for some reason he did not comply. For what reason we are unable to determine.

Furthermore, Wakefield kept no personal diary or account of his time at King George Sound, which from a historical viewpoint makes matters difficult. It is only the snippets from letters and reports that we can glean an insight into the man’s thinking and nature. Most of the information concerning Captain Wakefield I have obtained from other sources. We could say that Captain Joseph Wakefield was a man of mystery. Alternatively, was he a man who just got on with the task allotted to him without the need to have accolades? That is a distinct possibility as we can determine that when Major Lockyer was in command, Wakefield was always there working away industriously in the background.

Wakefield’s conscientious fervour took hold of the penal outpost and by the end of 1827, a surgeon’s house was built along with an infirmary (hospital) a storehouse for the commissariat, four huts for the married soldiers and their wives and the overseer of the convicts. Three huts were also built for the officers which made a vast difference to the living quarters. The convicts and the soldiers had laboured hard to bring Wakefield’s plan to fruition. There was no specific mention of the convicts area so they presumably may have been still living under the canvas tents.
Not the ideal situation for men who were constantly trying to incite trouble. The huts were built in a line north to south, looking out to the sea and on the same site of the original dwellings. The construction of the huts was invariably of wattle and daub (cow dung) and thatched with leaves of the Xanthorrhoea plant, commonly known as grasstree.

To provide a regular supply of vegetables to the settlement was vital to its existence. Major Lockyer and Captain Wakefield had initially cleared some ground immediately surrounding the campsite. Their efforts were in vain as the soil was sandy, containing little to no nutrients whatsoever.
Crops failed regularly dashing the hopes of all at the campsite. After Major Lockyer left the Sound, Captain Wakefield utilised the site that had been drained to cultivate vegetables. Whilst the health of everyone had improved, there still remained the need for fresh vegetables. The drained boggy area was unfortunately too peaty, and nothing flourished.

Wakefield then decided to clear an area on the south side of Princess Royal Harbour, amounting to half an acre. Hopes were shattered when this plot also proved to be unsuitable for growing anything. Wakefield began to look further afield and chose to use Green Island in Oyster Harbour.
Captain Philip Parker King had started a small garden on Green Island when he had visited in 1817/18. This was one of four extensive journeys made by King from 1817 to 1822. This initiative of King prompted Captain Wakefield to institute the same idea. There was an abundance of bird droppings which would have enriched the soil on the island. This decision was instrumental in providing a constant supply of fresh vegetables and a full-time gardener was introduced to overseer the crops. It was recorded that beans, potatoes, cauliflowers, cabbages, a variety of melons, cucumbers, corn, and pumpkins were amongst the vegetables grown.

The success rate varied yet sufficient yields kept the settlement adequately provided; and overall had a far better result than at the settlement plots. The next death in the camp was that of the convict gardener, John Brown, who passed away on 27th May 1827.

Major Lockyer had left in custody at the garrison, two sealers, James Everett, and John Randall. They had been arrested in March 1827 for their gross misconduct to three Aboriginal women, named Sally, Mooney, and Dinah. The sealers and the kidnapped Aboriginal women were all from Cape Jervis Bay in South Australia. They all had been living on Kangaroo Island, South Australia when the sealers sailed to King George’s Sound for hunting. Major Lockyer was furious with the sealers and wanted the men transported back to Sydney to face trial and punishment.

Captain James Stirling intervened and would not allow the sealers aboard HMS Success when the ship departed King George’s Sound on 3rd April 1827. Lockyer was disappointed but Stirling’s word prevailed, and they sailed back to Sydney Cove. Captain Wakefield also wanted the sealers to face retribution for their atrocious actions but was now in a quandary. What could he do with these men, hold them indefinitely until another ship came? Would they stir up trouble at the penal outpost?

Captain Wakefield made the challenging decision of releasing the two sealers when miraculously another ship called into King George’s Sound a little while later. The men promptly joined the crew of the vessel and sailed away without paying the price for their crime. Ironically, Captain Wakefield wrote of the ‘lawless acts’ committed in a place so far removed from judicial authority. To the captain it seemed that these acts could be ignored and forgotten without the proper course of action to bring these culprits to justice. There certainly appears to be some frustration being expressed by Captain Wakefield at the leniency applied to this situation.

An interesting event that occurred around May 1827 is the theft of two axes from the campsite. The male Aboriginals were regular visitors to the ‘Red Coat Settlers’ campsite, some even sleeping in the barracks with the soldiers or in the huts of the higher-ranking soldiers. It was extremely rare to see the local Aboriginal women as they did not venture far from their respective camp sites. Their role was to protect and provide for the children. The women hunted small animals whilst the men hunted the larger animals, namely kangaroos. Mokare was one of these Aboriginals who had come to befriend himself with Wakefield and the other officers at the settlement camp.

Whilst sign language prevailed in their communication, a sort of pidgin English quickly developed. This worked well for both parties and understandings were forged which evolved into trust. One particular piece of information comes directly from Captain Wakefield himself in May 1827. He writes, ‘The Natives continue to visit us daily.’ Wakefield goes on to say that some of the King Ya-nup, or meaning the local Indigenous inhabitants of King George Sound, were ‘becoming troublesome.’ There had been cases of theft from the campsite but not all the King Ya-nup were responsible. It was just a minority who were the perpetrators. Captain Wakefield writes in a letter to the Colonial Secretary, Alexander MacLeay, concerning an incident involving the King Ya-nup. I quote from Wakefield’s letter as follows. ‘A short time ago two Natives expressed a wish to sleep at the cooking fire, which was allowed; early in the morning they went away each taking an Axe.’ Later that morning when the other King Ya-nup men, who had slept at the campsite overnight, were informed by Wakefield of the theft of the two axes, they displayed anger amongst themselves. It seems that one of the King Ya-nup men was definitely Mokare, who was clearly outraged to think that the axes had been taken. They undertook to return the axes to Wakefield without delay.

Several of these ‘trusty’ King Ya-nup men, as Captain Wakefield describes them, left the settlement for a few days. When the King Ya-nup returned again, they indicated via sign language that they had speared one of the offenders. Wakefield goes on to say, ‘the other native who had slept by the fire, brought in the Axe he had stolen.’ The King Ya-nup men made it obvious that they had attempted to spear this particular man also. Wakefield’s men had intervened and managed to stop the man from being fatally wounded, like his counterpart. However this was not before an injurious wound had been inflicted on the man’s leg.

 

This action may be considered a way of gaining a pact with the ‘newcomers’ on behalf of the King Ya-nup. Mokare and quite possibly, Nakina/Nakinah (Mokare’s elder brother) knew the strategic importance of maintaining cordial relations with the Red Coat Settler ‘newcomers.’ Captain Wakefield could have been demonstrating to his superiors in Sydney how matters between white man and the local King Ya-nup people were generally peaceful. Correspondence like this would only garner satisfaction from Governor Darling, that all was well at King George’s Sound

We cannot however omit mentioning and discussing the untimely death of the younger brother of Mokare and Nakina/Nakinah. I am referring to Yallapoli, who at a very young age walked into the ‘Red Coat Settlers’ campsite, lay down on a bed and literally died. The boy was invariably in his early teens and had been a subject of immense merriment to the French crew of the l’Astrolabe when they had landed at King George Sound in the October of 1826. The young King Ya-nup lad had been afflicted with tuberculosis or a pulmonary disease which rapidly took hold of his body.
It was an absolute tragedy and one that resonated throughout the entire King George Sound region. Word flew like lightning throughout the King Ya-nup, and the British were horrified to witness this heartbreaking calamity.

Yallapoli, from what I have read about the lad, was similar to Mokare in nature. Highly likeable and one to openly converse with the ‘newcomers’ readily. Yallapoli’s death was met with severe anger and unrest from the King Ya-nup people. For three weeks, Captain Wakefield had the garrison campsite under strict orders to watch for any attack from the King Ya-nup people. Mokare, along with other King Ya-nup men, expressed their acute distress and grief with the events surrounding Yallapoli’s death. It is known that Mokare rent his clothes in utter sorrow, coupled with rage towards the ‘newcomers.’ Coolbun, younger brother of Doctor Uredale, flung a spear at Captain Wakefield, missing him narrowly. Doctor Uredale was an important figurehead in the King Ya-nup community, serving as the medicine man or mulgarradock.

The King Ya-nap were spiritual and firmly claimed that all sickness was attributed or associated with acts of sorcery. The mulgarradock was  called upon to heal and ‘cleanse’ the victim of the evil spirits and effectively rid the person of their ailment. We are unaware of the circumstances involved with Yallapoli’s illness. Perhaps we can deduce that the lad thought by coming to the white man’s camp site, there was a chance of being healed. This idea is open to speculation; however I point out that Yallapoli was not accompanied by anyone. He came on his own volition to the white man’s camp. With so much intense unrest amongst the King Ya-nup men, Wakefield commanded his soldiers not to retaliate. He realised the enormity of the situation and wished to quell any possible conflict quickly.

We must remember that Coolbun would have been an adept thrower of a spear, after all hunting was part of his everyday life using this weapon. Therefore Coolbun had intended to miss Captain Wakefield but sent a strong message of grave meaning to the entire penal outpost. Coolbun knew of Wakefield’s authority and yet he wished to express the feelings of all the King Ya-nup to the ‘newcomers’ Commandant. Captain Wakefield never recorded this event himself, nor was it mentioned in any correspondence to Sydney Cove. Whether Captain Wakefield felt that this incident marred his authority, not just of the penal outpost, but also his desire to maintain conciliatory relations with the King Ya-nup, can only be surmised.

The above account was conveyed to the fourth and last Commandant at King George Sound, Captain Collet Barker (31st December 1784 – 30th April 1831) in January 1830 by the overseer of the convicts. When coming across some ground that had been cleared by the prisoners, Barker noticed a small plot that he had not noticed beforehand. Barker questioned the overseer who readily enlightened him that this was Yallapoli’s burial ground and related the circumstances surrounding the boy’s death. By the end of 1827, the situation at the penal outpost had made a remarkable turnaround. Definite progress had been achieved and Wakefield was inspired to continue his drive to develop the campsite even further.